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TUESDAY OCTOBER 13OCTOBER 13, 2026

Ivo Budil

Prof.

anthropologist, university teacher, writer and politician

Prague

Founder of the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of West Bohemia, author of books on the history of ideas, Western racial thinking and cultural evolution. A man who is not afraid to criticize the ideological fashions of today and at the same time seeks ways to restore the power, creativity and meaning of the West.

3 published articles

SEP
7
Ivo Budil · September 7, 2026 · 3 min read

Few concepts are treated with such carelessness and arbitrariness in the contemporary public space today as "left" and "right". The leading spokesman of an allegedly "right-wing" movement accuses the representatives of another "right-wing" formation of "Bolshevism". A new "communist international" is said to have settled in Brussels. The US president warns of the rise of "communism". Not Chinese, Vietnamese or Cuban, but purely American (and maybe big and beautiful). We are witnessing a complete emptying of the concepts that have given Western political life meaning, ethos and compass for more than two centuries.

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SEP
5
Ivo Budil · September 5, 2026 · 102 min read

This book presents a theoretical framework for analyzing capitalism as an ontological regime of social mediation. Its central argument is the dichotomy between latent and manifest capitalism — an ontological, not historical, distinction based on the degree to which abstract labor becomes universalized as the principle of social recognition. Latent capitalism designates regimes where capital, exchange, and accumulation exist, but abstract labor does not become the universal norm of recognition. The value-form remains sectorally limited, the state is not structurally bound to permanent accumulation, and time is not the absolute measure of human worth. Manifest capitalism, by contrast, represents a configuration in which abstract labor becomes an all-pervasive principle of social legitimacy: time measured by productivity penetrates all spheres of life, the state depends structurally on value reproduction, and individuals are evaluated by their capacity to bear labor-power. The book is structured in three parts. Part I (chapters 1–4) introduces the ontological framework and historically illustrates the difference between latent (Asian civilizations, European latent forms) and manifest configurations (Amsterdam as ontological rupture). Part II (chapters 5–9) analyzes the structural logic of manifest capitalism: time as ontological structure (Heidegger, Husserl), growth as structural imperative, autopoietic system reproduction (Luhmann), and anthropological-existential limits of capital. Part III (chapters 10–13) challenges the “standpoint of labor” (Postone), presents a thought experiment of a society based on status of existence (Arendt, Jung), analyzes the limits of modernity, and formulates the concept of a second founding of modernity as a possible shift from productivity to existence as the ontological basis of human dignity. Methodologically, the work combines Marx's critique of political economy, phenomenology (Husserl, Heidegger), systems theory (Luhmann), and reinterpretations of Marxism (Postone, Arrighi, Wallerstein). It introduces original concepts including the autopoietic system of labor (applied to state socialism), society of status of existence, second founding of modernity, and the cycle of absorption of critique. This is not a political program but an ontological reflection on structural possibilities. It argues that modernity now has the material means to separate survival from labor integration—opening a horizon where human dignity might be reconceived beyond performance.

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SEP
5
Ivo Budil · September 5, 2026 · 7 min read

The extremism that troubles modern civilization is not primarily a political phenomenon, but a state of mind. The extremist is a prisoner of a particular idea, which he places above the world around him. He accepts no compromise, reconciliation, or modus vivendi with people, society, and institutions that do not share his beliefs. He seeks to transform, persuade, or destroy them. To the extremist, tolerance is a sign of weakness and capitulation.

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